Malawi’s 50:50 campaign Flop

Malawi’s 50:50 campaign Flop

Veronica Maele

President Peter Mutharika’s cabinet reshuffle has yet again shown how politics continues to be a male-dominated domain. Not only has the number of women in the 20-member cabinet dropped from four to three, but the reshuffle comes in the wake of female politicians facing increasing derogatory political rhetoric and hostile nomination processes. 

Though Action-Aid Malawi, Human Rights Defenders Coalition (HRDC) and the Coalition for the Empowerment of Women and Girls (Cewag) have rightly voiced their concern, the entire ‘50:50 coalition’ needs to re-examine its strategies if progress towards gender parity is to be made.  Thus, writing to UN Women as HRDC has done with the intention of having Mutharika fired as HeforShe Champion is akin to treating symptoms of a pernicious ailment. Why?

Because, it is not the cabinet stupid (to borrow Bill Clinton’s campaign cliché) but Malawi’s whole campaign for the increase of women in elective and decision-making positions has been a flop. The statistics are depressing whether one compares strides in the SADC region or looks at our national trends.

Having missed the 30 percent target on women representation in parliament and cabinet by 2005, we eventually adopted the 50:50 campaign only to tumble calamitously in the 2014 tripartite elections. The country’s first female president, Joyce Banda lost the poll and the number of women MPs plummeted to 16.7 percent from 22.3 percent in 2009. At 13.4 percent, women representation in local government is critically low.

Judging from current approaches by key players in the 50:50 campaign (government, CSOs and political parties) it seems forensic scrutiny of what is going wrong has not been done. To varying degrees, some appear ill-informed. Others are wedded to tokenism as their focus is on treating the symptoms of what are insidious institutional barriers to women’s participation in high-level politics. Of course, political parties (and leaders) are noticeably the worst offenders.

As next year’s elections loom, women aspirants are once again under intense pressure as their efforts, set against a lacklustre 50:50 campaign, are thrown into the electioneering blitz. Recently, this deep frustration was aptly expressed by ruling DPP aspirant for Nsanje South West Helen Buluma who has called for the campaign to be redesigned. As with the cabinet, some responses to her plea have been cynical. Why do women keep asking for favours? Others have unashamedly exalted politics as a realm for men (chanamuna).

Such remarks are part of a common narrative that dispels historical disparity in opportunities available to men and women be it education and economic resources. One that disregards how retrogressive socio-cultural attitudes and practices continue to relegate girls and women in all echelons of life. The very idea of 'merit' in appointments and elective positions, which is often maliciously parroted by those who do not subscribe to gender parity, presupposes equal opportunity. Unfortunately, this is not yet the case.

Notably, cognisance of women’s right to equal representation and their role in social, economic and political development, our leaders adopted the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development (2008) and committed to an ambitious and achievable target. It is a benchmark on which we can measure our efforts.

Already, some countries within the region have made progress towards gender parity in politics, for example, South Africa, Namibia and Mozambique. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (2018), Rwanda tops the world, not just Africa, on women representation in parliament. Why then is Malawi lagging behind?

Rightly as observed by Buluma, the 50:50 campaign has suffered from poor timing. As in 2014, stakeholders have rolled out the drive barely a year before the forthcoming polls. This has, again, adversely affected the mobilisation of resources. For one, Mzimba North East lawmaker Olipa Chiluba has been blunt: implementers should provide financial assistance to struggling female candidates to enable them compete effectively with men.  

Sadly, networking and information-sharing among stakeholders (including the women’s lobby) is disjointed, hence, there is no proper coordination of the crucial support aspirants need. Though efforts by the NGO Gender Coordination Network, other CSOs and government are laudable, interventions continue to be defined by short-termism when female aspirants need streamlined, long-term capacity-building programmes that equip and nurture - from funding, political and campaign strategies to mentoring.  

Again, this is because women face obstinate institutional obstacles. It is still difficult for them to stand as independent candidates or find their way onto party shortlists. Few sit at the top of the hierarchy: in NECs, (shadow)cabinet and parliamentary committees but are overrepresented at the bottom where they perform traditionally female roles - dancing and singing. Gender imbalance is a problem in other professions too.

Across the aisle, the attitude of political parties is a major stumbling block. Leaders are uninterested in gender quotas as a commitment to increasing the number of women legislators, councillors - not even the earmarking of some constituencies for all-female shortlists. Despite his pledges on women empowerment, Mutharika has completely failed to match his words with action in cabinet appointment since he came to power in 2014.

Although his brother late Bingu wa Mutharika’s reign was marked by serious concerns over governance, he holds a better record on efforts towards gender equality. Bingu appointed several women to key decision-making positions as firsts: late Mary Nangwale as IG of Police, Jane Ansah as Attorney General, Matilda Katopola as Clerk of Parliament. The number of female MPs increased during his tenure and he nominated Joyce Banda who became the first woman Vice President in 2009 and president upon his demise in April 2012.  

But our attitudes towards female leadership are still stuck in the past. In 2010, DPP regional governor for the South Noel Masangwi told us ‘Malawi is not ready for a female president.’ For all of Banda’s political miscalculations, her loss of the presidency four years later was partly due to our doubts about female leadership. Banda was often called a ‘prostitute’ and a clueless ‘mandasi woman’ (fritter seller).

When Vera Chirwa, a lawyer and renowned human rights activist announced her interest to stand in the 2004 presidential elections, she was described as ‘unfit’ for the role when men with pitiable credentials have never been doubted. During its reign, the UDF harassed Nyandovi Kerr for being ‘too ambitious.’

The rigour of male-dominated political institutions is off-putting to many women who have to tip-toe amidst jeers of bigotry aimed at battering them to conform to prescribed gender norms. As at now, capable women are being ostracised using hostile party nomination processes presided over by male leaders, for instance, Mutharika and Leader of Opposition Lazarus Chakwera. Whilst ruling DPP Regional Governor for the South Charles Mchacha is proudly scolding UTM female members as ‘prostitutes,’ efforts are underway in opposition MCP to see Juliana Lunguzi and Jessie Kabwila lose their primaries.   

This is why stakeholders particularly CSOs should desist from selective criticism and their obsession with megaphone statements and the sensationalisation of issues relating to gender imbalance. Women are facing major obstacles (cultural, social, economic, institutional etc) which continue to impede on their active participation and equal representation in politics and other arenas. Change will not solely come from the top but dialectical processes that involve grassroots awareness and engagement of all key actors. The 50:50 campaign is up against complex structural barriers and it will only succeed if it reboots and adopts a multifaceted approach, with clear goals to be achieved within reasonable time-frames.

Malawi VP Saulosi Chilima’s HARDtalk Interview - Balancing integrity, populism and political reality

Veronica Maele

Probably Chilima’s HARDtalk interview is not so much about his dismal performance nor balancing his integrity, populist promises and political reality but a call for Malawi to reflect on how political opportunism is eroding the country’s democracy and economy.

Vice President Saulosi Chilima’s BBC HARDtalk interview (19 October 2018) has provided insight into the contradictions that are tormenting his presidential bid. It is these contradictions the host, Zeinab Badawi, seized upon very effectively and managed to force the VP to walk a tight-rope.

What constrained Chilima was not a sudden lack of instincts to rebut the barrage of interrogation from Badawi but his quest to defend his integrity and populist policies within the ambit of the political realities he faces as he journeys into the May 2019 elections. Even by the standards of his ardent supporters, the VP’s waffling was not a helpful political strategy - the exchange was excruciating due to lack of substance, poor presentation and a debilitating inability to seize opportunities.

Until the HARDtalk interview, Chilima had excelled on vague responses and innocuous talking points - thanks to Malawi media’s failure to significantly challenge him during interviews. When Shaka Ssali of VOA’s Straight Talk Africa interviewed him in August, he noted though that the VP ‘danced around just like all politicians.’ All it took therefore was Badawi’s meticulous questioning for Chilima to falter.

Badawi’s opening statement which alluded to Chilima criticising a government of which he is a member as corrupt and running against the man he stood with in 2014 carried enough overtones of ‘betrayal’ to disorient the VP. Instead of recapping his usual bromides, he lurched into self-justification saying, ‘times change’ and it is my ‘constitutional right’ to contest for the presidency.

Such unconvincing and labored responses were in sharp contrast to Zimbabwe opposition leader Nelson Chamisa, who despite being harangued by Zimbabweans, put a persuasive case when he appeared on HARDtalk in May. With impressive eloquence, the youthful MDC leader faced up to the unrelenting questioning of Stephen Sakur. He outlined his vision with strong arguments and contested Sakur’s assertions whilst denouncing ruling ZANU-PF presidential candidate Emmerson Mnangagwa as a remnant of Robert Mugabe’s tyrannical rule masquerading as a ‘change agent.’ But Chamisa did not carry the same burden that weighed Chilima down.

On integrity, the VP struggled to explain whether he is part of ‘collective responsibility’ and does not feel uncomfortable standing against President Mutharika who is not delegating duties to him following his departure from the ruling DPP. Again, Chilima sought refuge under the constitution, of course, because framers rightly intended to shield the office of Vice President from being adulterated by short-term political interests. However, the unspoken truth is that Chilima like his predecessors is holding onto the position out of political expediency than a belief in the constitutionality of his office. Without it, he has no real power.

Ironically, the aggrieved DPP is itself an offspring conceived out of infidelity. Incumbent president Mutharika was an advisor to his brother, late Bingu wa Mutharika when the legitimacy of his presidency was questioned following his resignation from the ruling UDF and subsequent formation of the DPP in 2005. That would qualify Chilima as a student of ‘political debauchery’ - a culture that has allowed political opportunism to flourish since the fall of Dr Banda in 1994. One that has, for example, rendered Section 65 of the constitution impotent. During the interview, Chilima reluctantly acknowledged enjoying the trappings of his post (security, salary, etc.) whilst denying absconding from duties. He further poorly shrugged off the suspicion he is using taxpayers’ money to fund his political outfit - the United Transformation Movement (UTM), saying:

Well, maybe yes, maybe. No. Look, I don’t think that, um, it is entirely correct to say that I am using government money to support, uh, the UTM activities. That’s not correct.

However, questions about Chilima’s decency are not new. In July, a caller on Times Radio phone-in programme hosted by Brian Banda expressed misgivings over the timing of the VP’s resignation from the ruling DPP.  Mr Chipwete (from Thyolo) queried Chilima’s 4-year silence and contended that Leader of Opposition and MCP leader Lazarus Chakwera has ceaselessly spoken about rampant corruption in the DPP-led administration. He went on to doubt Chilima’s ability to fight corruption arguing his UTM is full of people who are implicated.

Badawi, who did not pin Chilima over his associates’ corruption allegations still forced him to balance his integrity and populist platitudes against some political realities. Though the VP’s promises of rooting out corruption and creating one million jobs have resonated well with many people and rattled the ruling DPP, his responses on these issues were self-contradictory. Apparently, he will create jobs in the agro-sector which is idle but employs 60 percent of the people and target existing vacancies in the private and public sectors where people are being laid-off.

On corruption, the VP denounced the tendency of suspects escaping the law because of their connection with government and added ‘if we are going to selectively pursue corruption cases then we are not living our promise.’ Chilima observed ‘everybody that is suspected must be brought under investigation …if the case is proven, prosecuted and sent to jail.’ This response was followed by his vociferous defense of former president Joyce Banda who presided over the 2013 Cashgate scandal.  

Chilima claimed to have a ‘similar vision’ with Banda - that ‘she is not a convict… and to say her corruption record was poor is unfair conclusion.’ Following their meeting last month, this seems to be the clearest indication yet that the VP’s electoral strategy might lay in his UTM forming an alliance with Banda’s People’s Party. In other words, if Chilima was to win next year’s polls, Banda like current DPP cronies will join the bandwagon of UTM acquaintances suspected of corruption who he will shield in lieu of their support.

Would that be surprising? No. Chillima has learnt key tricks from Bingu wa Mutharika’s school of politics. Bingu conveniently used the anti-corruption crusade to justify his resignation from the then ruling UDF but also to mobilise support for his newly formed DPP. Subsequently, he unleashed a ‘witch-hunt’ on his political enemies whilst shielding those who joined the DPP, among them, Joyce Banda who was suspected of involvement in fraud at ADMARC where she was Board Chairperson. The ACB, whose operations continue to be politicised rounded Muluzi as the chief suspect. But with a handful of convictions this far, Muluzi’s corruption case has stalled while his son, Atupele Muluzi and the UDF anchor the current DPP government.

Thus, Chilima is tuning a populist message on corruption and the economy to unquestioning patrons in the media, civil society and western donors. He has already taken his dispatch to Scotland where in November 2005, Bingu told lawmakers that during Muluzi’s reign (1994-2004) ‘corruption and bad governance had become entrenched and … permeated the entire system from top to bottom.’ By Bingu’s second-term in office, the corruption stench he so passionately talked about had blighted his own government. And, upon ascending to power as ‘the savior of the people’ following Bingu’s demise and more than two years of estrangement as VP, Banda presided over the most grotesque looting of state coffers which led to the suspension of donor aid.