Debate continues unabated over the sacking of Vice President Joyce Banda from the ruling Democratic People’s Party (DPP) on 12th December 2010. Many people are keen to see the next move the VP is going to make. Anger is also being expressed at how she has been treated. Besides, there is the suspicion that the political manoeuvring, witch-hunting, harassment and insults that Banda has endured (and will have to brave until 2014 polls) is due to the fact that she is a woman.
In my opinion, Joyce Banda is both a victim of gender discrimination as she is of the undemocratic politics which she has for sometime been a part of. These are critical issues which Banda needs to confront. For example, DPP Noel Masangwi’s now infamous declaration that Malawi is not yet ready for a female president is an indication of the scale of patriarchal attitudes that Banda faces. Measure that to Malawi’s deteriorating democracy and the fact that Joyce Banda has consecutively served in the DPP and UDF governments: both riddled by maladministration and corruption. Now, how far is Banda from becoming Malawi’s first woman president after her dismissal from the ruling DPP?
By lacking the support of a mainstream party, Banda is considerably disadvantaged, though her approval rating as potential president of Malawi looks substantial. It remains to be seen whether she will form a new party, or with great risk, go back to UDF or dare ‘join MCP’. I feel that Banda’s chance partly rests in that, the ruling DPP could easily be dislodged from power if the level of agitation for ‘political change’ was comparable to that of 1992-94 which ousted MCP and former dictator Ngwazi Kamuzu Banda. Currently, there is significant public dissatisfaction towards incumbent Bingu wa Mutharika’s regime, which means, Banda just requires a practical and far-reaching political strategy to galvanise towards such change. The recent Catholic Bishop’s pastoral letter ‘Reading the Signs of the Times’ aptly sums up the country’s frustration and aspirations.
In addition, Banda’s firing from DPP is a culmination of Mutharika’s growing dictatorial rule, and indeed, the president’s dire efforts to remain in power by creating a ‘Mutharika dynasty’ through letting his brother succeed him. Moreover, the VP’s saga comes after Ngwazi Mutharika enjoyed ‘one-man’ rule (2005-2009) by politically incapacitating the then VP Cassim Chilumpha through the creation of constructive resignation and later treason case. Where was Joyce Banda during ex-VP Chilumpha’s political tribulations? DPP! Cabinet minister! In fact, Banda is likely to answer treason charges if Mutharika sees her as a ‘real’ political threat.
The only difference between Banda and Chilumpha’s chronicle is that Mutharika’s undemocratic conduct then, was unfortunately, seen in the context of: a mismatched presidential ticket, the president’s resignation from UDF and fallout with his mentor ex-president Bakili Muluzi. But, the sad development is: during Mutharika’s two-terms in office, the vulnerability of the position of VP has increasingly been exposed. It is also easy to see Mutharika’s obsession for ‘monopoly of power’ just like Ngwazi Kamuzu.
However, another crucial factor in the row between VP Banda and the president, as previously outlined, is Mutharika’s covert quest to remain in power. A similar scenario occurred between ex-president Bakili Muluzi and VP Justin Malewezi when the later resigned from the UDF at the end of 2004 due to the handpicking of Mutharika as UDF’s flag bearer. Muluzi imposed Mutharika in order to rule from behind and possibly calculated on Mutharika paving way for a ‘Muluzi comeback’. Consequently, Malawi had a spell of political turmoil whereas, serving in the DPP camp, Joyce Banda saw nothing odd as she did with the imposition of Mutharika.
Of course, if the events leading to Banda’s sacking are anything to go by, her nomination by Mutharika appears to have been a mere gimmick to impress the nation and international community about Malawi’s commitment towards women empowerment. Though I have written on ‘women and politics’ and the need to increase their numbers in decision-making positions, I should admit I found Banda’s rise to the post of VP momentous and thought Mutharika deserved credit. But like many Malawians, I soon realised that Mutharika saw Banda as a ‘political weakling’ who was going to nod to the president imposing his brother as the heir.
Needless to say, there is a very tactical purpose in the premature nomination of Peter Mutharika. It gives the DPP inner-circle sufficient time to strategically respond to the anticipated opposition of this nomination. It allows the president identify who is a ‘friend or enemy’. Presently, Banda has been spotted as the enemy and she will be heavily undermined like ex-VPs: Malewezi and Chilumpha. On the ‘backbench’ she now faces the deeply entrenched undemocratic tendencies which accord the ruling party undue advantage in polls. Already, state resources are being used to promote Peter Mutharika’s candidature for 2014. Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) remains hugely biased towards DPP.
And, the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) has suspiciously been suspended with the future of the long-awaited local government elections in limbo. We just need to look at how police besieged MEC offices and how government is ready to disrespect court rulings and the Republican Constitution. A pretext has been created for a ‘government takeover’ of MEC effectively enabling DPP have a firm grip on the electoral body in readiness for upcoming elections. This is why I believe that Mutharika’s conduct unearths the catastrophic failure by three successive ‘male presidents’ of Malawi to commit to democracy.
From autocratic ruler Kamuzu Banda, ex-president Muluzi to wa Mutharika, we see self-acclaimed, larger-than-life fathers and dictators of the Malawi nation. For all their contribution to the nation, none of these leaders has ever believed in democracy. In whatever guise, they either have sought life presidency, attempted to hang on to power or handpicked a successor. Surrounded by opportunistic cheerleaders (atidyenawo), these male politicians have never subscribed to free and fair elections. Banda knows this too well.
Interestingly, all of these male leaders have massively been immortalised by the women-guild: Kamuzu’s mbumba, Muluzi’s a lyo lyo lyo and presently, Mutharika’s amayi a Bingu. And so, DPP saw this presence and proclaimed that the country is not prepared for female leadership. The same way opposition MCP president, John Tembo, would have scared the womenfolk in parliament with a shout of ‘chanamuna!’ (this is for men!).
The 50:50 campaign might have helped raise the number of women in parliament in the 2009 polls with DPP boasting of the largest percentage. But there is still a big cohort of party activists who believe women should serve at the bottom of the hierarchy. In a male-dominated political field, they see women befitting chore as decorating and according parties visible presence through singing, dancing and punctuating the president’s speeches with choruses of insults particularly to ruling party political opponents.
For Joyce Banda, the road to becoming Malawi’s first woman president is an enormous challenge and merely putting up the ‘gender card’ will not work wonders. Some lessons can be learnt from USA’s Hillary Clinton and France’s Segolene Royal presidential bids. In my view, Banda needs to be very pragmatic and politically strategic if she is to stand any chance by: working with Malawians: networking with like-minded activists from civil society; churches; ‘political parties’ and traditional leaders.
She needs to mobilise grassroots support for her candidacy with a clear message of commitment towards political reform, genuine democracy and sound socio-economic policies. Banda should remain firm as Malawi’s VP, ignore DPP’s attempts to push her off and get the opportunity to tactfully exploit DPP’s cracks and defections. After all, it sometimes takes the master’s tools to dismantle the master’s enclave. Malawians are very keen to end self-seeking politics and to terminate, once and for all, the growing tradition by presidents of handpicking a successor.
Obviously, Banda has great advantage in that a sizeable number of Malawians value her contribution to the nation and believe in her capabilities to become the country’s first woman president. She can use this in her favour by reaching out to women, the youth and men. However, she should be cautious of alienating women as a voting block by presenting herself as an elite (Beijing) woman who is aloof of the realities of life of ordinary Malawi women.
